米中戦略経済対話枠組みで取り組む４つの主な分野

タイトルにあるようにオバマ大統領は米中対話において４つの分野に分けていますので、そのポイントを見ていきましょう。
Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy — and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.
Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation — because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.
①世界的経済不況からの復興対策
昔と違って１国の経済不況が世界中に影響を及ぼす中、両国間・多国間で協力体制を築く必要がある。
また貿易の自由化を推進し、中国が消費市場として拡大することは両国の利益にかなうはずである。
Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let’s be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.
Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.
②環境問題
安全でクリーンなエネルギーの推進が求められている。米中両国は世界最大のエネルギー消費国であり、温室効果ガスを発生させている。両国にとって石油輸入に依存することは得策ではない。世界的気候変動を食い止めるためにも二酸化炭素排出を抑える経済システムの構築に努めるべきである。
Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.
This is not about singling out any one nation — it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world’s deadliest weapons.
③核エネルギーの平和利用
核兵器拡散防止に向けての協力体制が必要である。特に北朝鮮の非核化、そしてイランの核武装化防止である。またテロリストに核兵器が渡ることは阻止しなければならない。核エネルギーの平和利用に限定された使用に向けて世界中が協力するする必要がある。
And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers — they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress — including security — must be shared.
Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict — and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.
④テロ組織への対応を含む国境を越えた脅威への対応
過去の冷戦時のように危険は大国間の軋轢から生じるのではなく国境を越えた脅威から生じる。それは過激派テロリストの活動や海賊であり新型インフルエンザのような病気にまで至り、これらが２１世紀の脅威である。軍事を含めた対話、情報網の共有などによって紛争の平和的解決にも協力体制を築く必要がある。